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Bihar’s political shadow over Jharkhand

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Congress leader Pappu Yadav during a public meeting in support of RJD candidate Sanjay Yadav ahead of the Jharkhand Assembly elections, in Godda district.

Congress leader Pappu Yadav during a public meeting in support of RJD candidate Sanjay Yadav ahead of the Jharkhand Assembly elections, in Godda district.
| Photo Credit: PTI

Jharkhand gained statehood 24 years ago; yet, its electoral landscape continues to be influenced by Bihar’s political legacy.

This year’s election offers a lens to assess Jharkhand’s political path amid Bihar’s enduring caste-driven, alliance-centric politics. Although ‘Jharkhand abua (Jharkhand is ours)’ was once an assertion of a distinct identity, Bihar-origin parties, such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) or LJP (RV), and Janata Dal (United) or JD(U), view Jharkhand as fertile ground. Through seat-sharing, caste appeals, and linguistic ties, Bihar’s political parties may again test Jharkhand’s independent identity, making this election more than an NDA versus INDIA contest.

The Jharkhand-Bihar border represents more than a geographical boundary, with language, migrants, and political influence flowing freely between the two States. While Chief Minister Hemant Soren may have emphatically drawn a symbolic linguistic boundary by declaring Bhojpuri a “borrowed” language from Bihar rather than native to Jharkhand, the 2011 Census shows that Magahi, Bhojpuri, and Angika are spoken widely in Jharkhand’s border districts. This linguistic overlap enables Bihar-based parties, such as the RJD, to connect with Jharkhand’s Bhojpuri-speaking and Yadav communities, particularly in the Palamu, Garhwa, and Chatra regions.

According to the 2011 Census, more than 14% of Bihar’s inter-State migrants settled in Jharkhand, deeply influencing the State’s social fabric. The demographic parallels are striking. Both States share a similar caste composition, with Other Backward Classes (OBCs) exceeding 50% of the population. This creates natural constituencies for caste-based parties such as the RJD and JD(U), especially in northern and western Jharkhand. The substantial Yadav population’s historical alignment with the RJD exemplifies how the elections have become a unique battleground where regional issues intersect with caste-based appeals, providing leverage for Bihar’s political entities.

There is also the seat-sharing factor: the NDA decided to allocate seats to the JD(U) and LJP (RV), apart from the All Jharkhand Students Union; and in the INDIA bloc, the RJD’s demand for seats sparked tension within the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM).

The involvement of political figures such as Pappu Yadav and Jitan Ram Manjhi in the INDIA and NDA coalitions, respectively, further extends Bihar’s political strategies into Jharkhand’s electoral landscape. Mr. Pappu Yadav’s influence among Yadav voters, especially in areas with cultural ties to Bihar, is notable. Meanwhile, Mr. Jitan Ram Manjhi, as a Mahadalit leader, bolsters the NDA’s caste-based strategy.

Bihar’s political influence in Jharkhand fosters alliances, yet risks overshadowing Jharkhand’s distinct challenges, particularly those facing its Scheduled Tribe population who comprise 26% of the population. This complicates coalition-building, as seen in seat-sharing disputes. The RJD’s push for more seats within the INDIA bloc clashes with the JMM’s local ambitions, while the NDA must balance JD(U) and LJP’s caste appeal with the BJP’s strategy. These coalitions often prove fragile, potentially weakening governance. Can Jharkhand uphold its regional agenda amid Bihar’s influence? Will Bihar’s parties shift from being kingmakers to genuine partners in Jharkhand?

Younger Jharkhand voters, born after Statehood, increasingly prioritise economic development and employment over traditional caste politics. This shift was evident in the 2019 Assembly elections, where local economic issues superseded national concerns such as the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019, and Ram Mandir for both tribal and non-tribal voters (Lokniti, 2019). These elections may reveal whether this development-focused electorate can catalyse a shift away from Bihar’s identity-based political model.

While the 2000 bifurcation created separate States, Bihar’s influence persists through shared demographics, language, and political leadership. Bihar-origin parties leverage these cultural ties in their campaigns, yet Jharkhand faces mounting pressure to forge its own political identity centred on local issues rather than caste dynamics. The ongoing elections will reveal whether Jharkhand is able to chart an independent course focused on development and modernisation.

Ashraf Nehal is a South Asia analyst and columnist and Aishwarya Giri is a postgraduate of International Relations from the London School of Economics



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