“Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s ‘mohabbat ki dukan’ (shop of love) looks like an adaptation of America’s woke culture, which frames the pro-democracy argument in a narrow term of merely opposing an autocrat”
| Photo Credit: PTI
Donald Trump’s return to the White House is an important lesson not just for Democrats, but political actors everywhere who are attempting to contain burgeoning right-of-centre politics and powerful demagogues.
Mr. Trump won both the electoral college vote and the popular vote. This underlines that the anxiety of democracy’s defenders over the erosion of the constitutional order is not the people’s anxiety or even their preoccupation. The people do not have revulsion for dictatorial aspirations if they are enticed with a story promising them a better future and protection of interests.
Two countries, two campaigns
As Mr. Trump strengthened his commitment to bring back manufacturing jobs, there was reason to harbour hope. In his insistence to make the U.S. less interventionist and focus on fixing domestic issues such as “porous borders”, which, he said, led to “criminals pouring in” and absorbing job opportunities, there was protection of interest.
Democratic Party candidate Kamala Harris highlighted the machinations against democracy, but in making it her overriding theme, she renewed concerns about her being “woke”, which in contemporary political lexicon indicates extravagant positions on DEI (diversity, equity, inclusion). Her message was repudiated.
In India, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s “mohabbat ki dukan” (shop of love) looks like an adaptation of America’s woke culture, which frames the pro-democracy argument in a narrow term of merely opposing an autocrat. But for the poor, democracy is less about waging war against an autocrat to preserve institutions and the social fabric and more about immediate economic redress. The farmers’ movement was a powerful exposition of dissent against an autocratic regime, but the poor did not desert the Prime Minister, given his government’s wide-scale distribution of economic incentives.
Ms. Harris’s and Mr. Gandhi’s campaign relied too much on fighting for the liberal order. There was little reckoning that the reason why demagogues are able to sway voters is because their dishonest accounts have already rendered the liberal order as a dire threat for the majority, who are willing to be partners to upend it.
Mr. Trump pledged to upend an order beset by “fleeing jobs”, “critical race theory”, and “criminals pouring in” with the MAGA (Make America Great Again) movement. Mr. Modi offered “Hindu reawakening”. Anti-Trumpism in that backdrop was interpreted as hurtling towards catastrophe where outsiders augmented their interests at the expense of white Americans. Anti-Modism is interpreted as the Congress’ unease with placing the priorities of Hindus on top.
A pragmatic course would be to engage the electorate with a more tempting narrative while avoiding collision on sensitive areas. In 2020, the Biden campaign had underlined that the election was not a “partisan moment” but an “American moment”. The message went home to disillusioned Trump voters, unlike Ms. Harris’ and Hillary Clinton’s campaigns which focused only on anti-Trumpians. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal understands that calculus. In 2022, when asked about his party’s goalpost, he remarked: “I don’t want to defeat anyone, I want the country to win.”
The attractive alternative vision for the country must emanate from people’s expectations. Ms. Harris’ campaign miscalculated what the people expected. For long she upheld several consuming obsessions of the Left including a single-payer health insurance system and ban on fracking. It lent Mr. Trump an effective arsenal: “Comrade Kamala” scare. His share of the Hispanic voters, many of whom have fled communist regimes, jumped from 32% in 2020 to 46% in 2024, said Edison Research.
The Congress’ mistakes
In berating big businessmen every day, the Congress also miscalculates expectations, especially of India’s aspirational class, no longer just the metropolitan and tier one population. India’s youth share the conviction that for the country to grow, business people have a crucial role to play as wealth generators and job creators. They demand a coherent plan propelling India’s growth.
The Congress offers none. Its dole-out politics has been partly successful in Assembly elections. But the people are not content with relief; they want infatuation with a dream. MAGA induces it and Achhe Din induced it. The caste census does not. MAGA and Achhe Din will (mythically) come for everybody. But the caste census will benefit only the Other Backward Classes. It hinders Congress’ ability to reckon with diverse demographics. Also, given the party’s unease with Mandal politics, its sudden fidelity for it appears insufferably convenient.
Today, the idea of a supremely assertive prime minister who can be trusted to place a positive spin to advance India’s lofty global role has become a desideratum for most voters. But the Congress’ over-reliance on regional parties, who deny it a frontal role and have hardly an effective geopolitical road map, reduces its appeal.
The Congress must exude the air of being in command and declare that it will partner with only those who accept its pre-eminent role and its vision on national security and India’s international goalposts, or else sit in Opposition. This would send out a message that it does not have avarice for power but seeks power to secure the people’s interest and India’s interest. The allies will not disappear — they need it as it needs them. But before allies and the people believe in its leadership, the Congress has to exhibit leadership.
Anando Bhakto is a journalist covering politics and the Kashmir conflict
Published – February 06, 2025 12:15 am IST